FELIX HEIDUK (NEW YORK, NY: ROUTLEDGE, 2022, 225 PAGES)
IRAJ ABID RESEARCH OFFICER AT CISSS.
Sino-American competition dominates contemporary international politics. The intensifying rivalry between the two big powers has merited the attention of scholars from various fields such as international relations, foreign policy, strategic studies and economics. Many experts are writing to explain the nature of Sino-US contestation which is impacting almost every aspect of the international system in an increasingly globalised world. The contestation is unique as the two great powers remain entangled in complex interdependence and are unable to decouple relations particularly in the economic domain. Asia is predominantly witnessing rising tensions between the US and China and is viewed by many experts as the battleground for the new Cold War. In this context, regional states face stark choices amidst great power competition and struggle to keep balance between a US-centric and a Sino-centric regional order. The volume edited by Felix Heiduk comprises twelve essays by distinguished scholars who analyse foreign policy responses of regional states in the face of growing Sino-US rivalry. The first five chapters in the book provide an overview of the US-China competition in the Asia-Pacific. In the first chapter, Felix Heiduk conceptualises the causes of US-China contestation and its manifestations in the form of Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) and BRI strategies. The chapter provides a brief theoretical account on middle and small power strategies including neutrality, hedging, bandwagoning and alignment. In the second chapter, Rosemary Foot explains factors contributing to relative peace and stability in the region over the past forty years. She identifies that phenomena such as globalisation and regionalism have ensured stability and economic development and have avoided inter-state wars in the region. Nevertheless, regionalism is weakening because of changing geopolitical dynamics and may deteriorate in the coming years which might endanger peace and security in the region. In the third chapter, Rory Medcalf explores the concept of Indo-Pacific and how different states perceive it. He underlines that Indo-Pacific as a term represents multipolarity and inclusiveness as opposed to the US-centric or Sino-centric interpretations. Fourth chapter is contributed by Joo Hee Kim who analyses the significance and relevance of multilateralism and argues that middle powers can promote a rules-based multilateral order as an alternative to the waning US-led international order to meet global challenges. In chapter five, Lee Jones presents a critique of the traditional conceptualisation of Asian security based on realist and quasi-realist assumptions and explains the implications of narrowing down the security debate to military security only. He writes, “For scholars of Asian security who uncritically adopt realist or quasi-realist understandings, there is a real danger of fuelling the very conflictual dynamics that their frameworks are supposed only to analyse.” [Page 76] The remaining seven chapters of the volume present case studies of Asian middle powers amidst the developing major power competition. In chapter six, Ganeshan Wignaraja has discussed the foreign relations of Sri Lanka with the US and China in the post-civil conflict years through the lens of international political economy with a focus on domestic and international factors. The author highlights the geostrategic significance of Sri Lanka for the great powers and their support to the country in terms of foreign trade, investment development assistance and security aid. The chapter provides data-driven comparison of the engagement of US and China with Sri Lanka over the period 2009-2020. He notes, “China has been a visible security partner and the US has upped its efforts to build Sri Lanka’s defence capacity in the Indian Ocean maritime domain.” [Page 94] The author also outlines important lessons for managing small power-great power relations amid rising geopolitical tensions in a post-COVID world. These include: (i) building economic and social resilience; (ii) escaping middle income trap; (iii) decoupling economic and security ties; and (iv) non-alignment. In chapter seven, Jagannath Panda reflects on changing India’s China policy particularly after the Galwan valley standoff of June 2020. He argues that Indian security thinking is undergoing significant transformation regarding China driving New Delhi to join the US-led frameworks such as Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) to contain Beijing’s influence in the region. The chapter explores various bilateral and multilateral security arrangements against China such as LEMOA, COMCASA, BECA and ACSA, and several joint military exercises. In conclusion, India is urged to deepen economic and defence ties with the US and other regional states in order to counter China.
However, little account is provided of India’s economic ties with China and the challenges faced by New Delhi due to its dependence on Beijing’s markets and its role in the global supply chains. Chapter eight is contributed by Alice Ba who explores institutional strategies adopted by middle and small powers in Southeast Asia with particular reference to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as the foremost response to manage Sino-US competition. She writes, “For Southeast Asia’s small and medium powers, ASEAN, since its founding in 1967, has been especially central in their historical efforts to manage major powers and major power competition.” [Page 138] In chapter nine, Renato Cruz De Castro talks about Philippines-China relations in the context of conflicting claims of the two states over the South China Sea. It is argued that President Rodrigo Duterte gradually steered the country from its policy of appeasement to soft balancing against China through strengthening ties with the US, Japan, and ASEAN. In chapter ten, Hong Liu uses the Constructivist approach to explain Mahathir’s China policy by analysing complex domestic economic and political interests. The author contends that it is important to study the policies of smaller countries like Malaysia beyond traditional strategies of rebalancing or hedging. In chapter eleven, Thi Thi Soe San discusses dynamics of the US-China competition in Myanmar. She writes that great power rivalry is nothing new to Myanmar. However, post COVID-19 political and economic disruptions in the region have made a new Cold War inevitable. The author identifies that Myanmar’s problems are of domestic origin and have little to do with foreign influences. [Page 189] In the final chapter, Seo-Hyun Park illustrates the case of South Korea and explains that domestic socio-political factors and international influences determine the political choices of leaders. The author recommends that the politicians must take “socially shared discourse” which is “embedded within a historical and cultural context” into account while making foreign policy choices. [Page 194] In contrast to most of contemporary writings on the subject focusing mainly on the behaviour of great powers, the book bridges the gap by providing insights on responses of middle and small powers to the unfolding great power competition. A major shortcoming in the work is the absence of a chapter on Pakistan a country with history of close strategic and economic ties with both US and China. A chapter on Pakistan would have made the book comprehensive and balanced. Iraj Abid is Research Officer at Centre for International Strategic Studies Sindh (CISSS). The Book Review was first published in CISS Insight Journal of Strategic Studies Vol 10, No 2 (2022).